- Mr Ambassador, your three-year term in Moscow coincided with a number of landmark events in the Russian-Indian relations. Which ones were the most important?
- These 3 years have been a transformative period for both India & Russia, bilaterally, but also for our engagement on broader international issues. The two main highlights were President Putin’s visit to India in October 2018 - that was just a month after I had taken over as Ambassador in Moscow, and subsequently Prime Minister Modi’s exceptional visit to Vladivostok in September 2019, where he was chief guest at the Eastern Economic Forum; there was also the annual bilateral summit.
Despite the disruptions in engagements due to the COVID situation over the last eighteen months, the rhythm of high-level contacts has been maintained. The personal trust and confidence between the two leaders has been further strengthened. There have been high level visits - including the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Defense, Energy and National Security Advisors. Despite the Covid 19 Pandemic, our Defence Minister attended the 75th Anniversary parade at Red Square to mark victory in the Great Patriotic war.
President Putin participated in the special UN Security Council meeting in August on Maritime Security chaired by Prime Minister Modi. In 2019, Prime Minister Modi was awarded the highest civilian award by President Putin – that of St Andrews the Apostle – a great honor for Prime Minister Modi and for India.
In this period, the traditional pillars of India-Russia relations in defence, nuclear, space and energy have been further strengthened but we have also diversified our partnership into new areas- in terms of geopolitical engagement. I would say, our special and privileged strategic partnership has been further strengthened and diversified in the last 3 years. The canvas of our engagement looks very different from what it was three or four years ago. It is now firmly set on a new trajectory of growth and enhanced engagement. This is a matter of satisfaction. This would not have been possible without support from Delhi but also the b support I received here in Moscow. My appreciation and gratitude.
- Can you expand a bit more on the new trends, since you were one the architects of these?
Ambassadors are not architects, they are instruments of policy. The biggest change that has taken place in the last 3 years – is in how India looks at Russia.
The Prime Minister’s visit to Vladivostok in 2019 led to the announcement of India’s Act Far East Policy. Inter-regional cooperation has been given priority.
For the first time, India announced a $1bn soft credit line to boost Indian business participation in Russia’s development, especially in the Far East.
We are promoting the Chennai-Vladivostok Eastern maritime corridor. This will supplement the North-South corridor through Iran. We are also engaging on the Northern Sea Route, including in the Arctic area, in which India and Russia have special consultations.
So if we look at the 3 big geopolitical tendencies in different parts of the large Eurasian Continent, India’s engagement is in line with Russia’s interests and is in line with India’s own interests; we have opened up new avenues of engagement whose impact will be measured not in terms of months or years but decades. That is the true chronological unit for measuring our strategic partnership.
In the defence field, we have had the very important conclusion of the S-400 contract, which is on track for first deliveries this year.
The manufacture and co-production of four Project 1135.6 Frigates; manufacture in India of the world’s most advanced assault rifle - AK-203, through 100% indigenization; additional supplies of Su-30 MKI, as well as the MiG-29s; additional supplies of the MANGO ammunition & VSHORAD systems, amongst others.
Our exercises have increased in numbers and sophistication.
So across the board, defence relations between India & Russia have increased manifold. In fact, in these 3 years, Russia is back in the top spot as our largest defense partner- more plugged in than others into our Make in India programme. Russia engages in the most advanced defence technologies with India that it does with no other country in the world.
Similarly, in the field of energy, we are engaging on some critical energy projects - Vostok is one, which will bring India squarely into one of the biggest energy projects in the world.
A possible Indian investment into Arctic LNG-2 and possible Russian investment into the Paradip cracker plant, which will open a new avenue of cooperation in petrochemicals.
A new Gas Task Force will bring in Russia as a major partner, including in the field of hydrogen energy, of importance in the context of Climate change.
We intend to increase the import of Russian oil to India, which is now just 1% and our Minister, Hardeep Puri, who was here in September , said it is our intention to take it to 4 or 5% over the next five years.
During the COVID period, our cooperation has continued. Air links were maintained.
Sputnik V is one major area of cooperation.
We have concluded an agreement on long term supply of coking coal for our steel industry. We expect a similar agreement to be signed for supply of fertilizers. We will soon upgrade our science and technology cooperation through a new Joint Commission.
Skilled manpower cooperation is picking up. MDL is cooperating with Zvezda shipyard for constructing new ships for the NSR. We have expanded our Embassy, already amongst the largest that India has abroad, to take care of the new engagement with Russia. We have a new Space office, a new Energy Office and I am happy to say, a new Tourism Office is going to be opened in Moscow soon.
- The old perception of Indo-Russian relations as a political colossus on clay economic feet is no longer relevant?
- It is our intention to expand the economic drivers of our relationship- by moving into new areas - pharmaceuticals, ceramics, chemicals, high-tech industry, cyber, digital finance.
We are also looking at new investments by Russia into the railway sector in India. We expect a new inter-governmental agreement to be signed on shipping. And most importantly, Russia is now a very welcome partner in India’s Make in India Defence Programme, which is now the assured pathway for further consolidation of an already existing, historically very successful, relationship.
I would say on the whole, that there is a quiet revolution underway in our relations - strategic, political, economic, trade, high-tech sectors, but also in people-to-people contacts.
- You call it a revolution?
- I would say so, in terms of ambition of policy objectives and deployment of new instruments to achieve them.
We are also increasing our engagement with Buddhist regions. Recently, we had a delegation of Buddhist experts visiting Kalmykia, Buryatia & Tuva. This is a further consolidation of people-to-people relations. Yoga and Ayurveda are also highly popular in Russia. Some of the Indian wrestlers who won medals in the Tokyo Olympics underwent training in Russia. Our Astronauts who would be flying into space in 2023 aboard an Indian spacecraft had their initial training in Russia, another enduring symbol of our friendship.
- What are your expectations from the upcoming Russia-India summit, which did not take place last year?
- India & Russia have a well-established practice of annual bilateral summits- now for about 2 decades.
But unfortunately, due to the COVID pandemic, we could not have a summit in 2020. It is our intention and both sides are in active discussion on this, that President Putin will be able to visit India towards the end of this year. In addition, we also expect Defence Minister Shoigu to visit India for the Intergovernmental Commission on Defence cooperation. We expect the first 2+2 meeting at the Ministerial meeting to take place on its sidelines.
The Economic Joint Commission is also due to meet in India. So we expect a very active schedule of preparatory meetings for the annual bilateral summit. I would expect the Modi - Putin bilateral summit to be very productive, very comprehensive; we already have a number of important agreements ready for signing or in advanced stages of discussion.
- It was said more than once that Moscow & Delhi share a similar vision of basic international politics. However, sometimes we still tend to disagree. Specifically, India’s strategic partnership with the US is seen by some here in Moscow as a worrisome signal. What is the root of such misunderstanding which we witness day after day? There is a belief that India is sliding towards the US with its back to Russia.
- There is a unique, inherent strength in India-Russia relations, which has shown time and again that it follows its own logic and is immune to pressures from third countries. Besides, India is too big a country to slide one way or the other.
India stands on its own feet, thinks with its own mind and pursues its own interests.
Both countries believe in the principle of multi-polarity. As our External Affairs Minister, Dr S. Jaishankar said, addressing the Primakov Institute (IMEMO) last July, the operating principle of a multipolar world is the legitimate pursuit of flexibility without seeking exclusivity.
India & Russia pursue similar strategies for strengthening the multipolar system. We have an interest in engaging as widely as possible so that each pole is able to contribute to the overall equilibrium and strategic stability of the multipolar system. Multi-polarity is not merely a slogan. It requires concrete action.
With respect to our relations with the United States, these have been further strengthened in recent years. Just like we have a strategic partnership with Russia, which is special and privileged, we also have a strategic partnership with the United States. There are very b drivers for this relationship. But there is no inherent contradiction in the pursuit of our relations with the United States and our relations with Russia. Each relationship stands on its own merits and in our view, the strengthening of India’s relations with the US, at the same time further consolidating our relationship with Russia, in fact adds to the strength and credibility of the multipolar system.
- Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said that the creation of new alliances like QUAD or AUKUS erodes security in the Asia-Pacific region. But,India is a part of the Quad, and many in Moscow are puzzled.
Pursuing multi-polarity at a time of immense geopolitical churn requires new partnerships. India seeks an open architecture of international relations based on multi-polarity not only in the world, but in Asia too, where no single country is able to impose its will through domination or through military force. As such we seek new pathways of cooperation.
India is a member of the Quad. We recently had the summit of the Quad in Washington in which Prime Minister Modi participated. There are specific areas of cooperation which India has agreed to, which are all relevant global issues, such as combating the COVID-19 pandemic (relating to health); new infrastructure; new technologies; climate change and new generation cooperation amongst the youth. Now these 6 areas do not give the impression that the Quad is an alliance or a quasi-alliance. That is not India’s understanding of the Quad. India has always worked independently and will continue to do so in the future. Just as we seek partnership with Quad, we have also sought similar partnerships with BRICS, with the SCO.
We have also sought partnership, difficult as it may seem, within the RIC (Russia-India-China). India will use its options wherever they exist, consistent with India’s security and foreign policy interests.
And let me emphasize once again, in the pursuit of these options, we don't see any contradiction with our long standing strategic partnership with Russia.
- Another topic issue is relations with China. Moscow is increasingly saying that the United States is dragging India into an anti-Chinese game. How does this happen?
India is too big a country to be dragged into anything by any country, or into any policy that is not in its own interest. Nobody expects any less.
Having said that, let me say that the situation in the Ladakh sector, which has been very complex since the summer of last year, has been caused by unilateral attempts by China to alter the status quo, and in violation of bilateral agreements on maintaining bilateral peace and tranquility on the India-China border.
We wish to solve these difficulties in our bilateral relations through dialogue. The 13th round of Corps Commanders took place as recently as 10th October. There was a recent meeting of our Foreign Ministers in Dushanbe. We wish to take this forward and resolve this issue so that there is both disengagement and de-escalation of forces and of tensions. We seek a peaceful resolution of these issues bilaterally through dialogue.
It is our expectation that the Chinese side will take into account the overall perspective of our bilateral relations and will work towards the early resolution of the remaining issues consistent with our bilateral agreements. We are engaged with China bilaterally, and we are also engaged with China in various forums, including the Russia-India-China, which will possibly be holding its next Foreign Minister level meeting, perhaps through video conference.
But there is also engagement with China in the UN Security Council, where India is a member, also in the G20, BRICS and the SCO.
- If you compare what the situation was like when you arrived in Moscow with what is happening today, has China has become more persistent in changing the status quo?
- It is hard to deny that such a perception exists not just in the context of India-China relations, but more generally.
But I must say, there has been considerable understanding on the Russian side of the challenges that India is facing and I must convey my appreciation to the Russian Ministry of Defence for maintaining regular arms supplies to India even during the most tense weeks and months of prolonged confrontation in the Ladakh sector between Indian & Chinese forces since mid-2020.
- Another hot topic is Afghanistan. Initially, Delhi did not share Moscow’s hopes that the Taliban would not allow international terrorists from using Afghan territory.
- India shares the concern in the international community about the current crisis situation in Afghanistan, particularly as a humanitarian crisis situation. How we have reached this crisis situation, of course, is a matter of analysis and introspection. The Doha process, which India was not a part of, or the Troika plus process, which India was not allowed to participate in, both tracks pursued certain objectives, which in reality turned out to be quite different from what was originally envisaged.
The crisis was precipitated by the collapse of the Ghani government but also the precipitous withdrawal of American and NATO forces from Afghanistan, and from Kabul in particular.
India and Russia, I believe, may have travelled along different roads - we were not part of the Doha & Troika processes but our destination is common.
The situation in Afghanistan poses similar problems in terms of instability, drug trafficking, terrorism threat, and also the instability that may radiate towards Central Asia. President Putin spoke to Prime Minister Modi in August following which Secretary of the Russian Security Council Gen Patrushev visited India and had extensive discussions with Indian National Security Advisor Ajit Doval. Subsequently, we have had a series of engagements between India & Russia, not all in the public domain.
This is prompted by the fact that both sides recognize common threats emanating from Afghanistan affect India & Russia - probably more than any other set of countries. India will be participating in the Moscow format meeting on 20th October.
We also cooperate in the format of our National Security Councils and India will be hosting a high-level meeting of NSAs of regional countries in Afghanistan in November.
- Taliban leaders promised Moscow that they would wipe out international terrorists from the territory of Afghanistan. Would they be able to deliver on this promise?
- In the last several months, unfortunately we have seen that Afghanistan is a story of broken promises. Whether the Taliban will stand by their commitments and back words with deeds - we will wait and see.
Original source - https://www.kommersant.ru/doc/5039279?from=main
